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Author Topic: ALABAMA ABORTION BILL TO BRING ROE V. WADE TO AN EVENTUAL HEAD  (Read 335 times)

Online Wildman78

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Re: ALABAMA ABORTION BILL TO BRING ROE V. WADE TO AN EVENTUAL HEAD
« Reply #15 on: May 16, 2019, 02:58:04 PM »

Blacks certainly matter in this fight. Does your stupid a**  know the abortion % rate among blacks. Abortion on demand has destroyed a large segment of future black population - DUMB a** . READ THIS YOU GD FOOL.

https://www.lifesitenews.com/news/sky-high-abortion-rate-among-blacks-minorities-only-getting-worse-latest-cd


https://concernedwomen.org/abortion-demographics-who-has-an-abortion/

Oldsport, you keep calling people stupid when it is appears that your response doesn't address the argument that aggiejazz is making - Whites are passing abortion laws because they are afraid of becoming a minority.  I do not agree with aggiejazz' argument because it doesn't appear to make sense mathematically.

In any event here is some data for you to consider.

January 2017

The abortion rate in the United States fell to its lowest level since the historic Roe v. Wade Supreme Court decision legalized abortion nationwide, a new report finds.

The report by the Guttmacher Institute, a research group that supports legalized abortion, puts the rate at 14.6 abortions per 1,000 women of childbearing age (ages 15-44) in 2014. That's the lowest recorded rate since the Roe decision in 1973. The abortion rate has been declining for decades — down from a peak of 29.3 in 1980 and 1981.

https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/01/17/509734620/u-s-abortion-rate-falls-to-lowest-level-since-roe-v-wade


The number of abortions reported to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention fell by 2 percent year over year and by 24 percent over the span of a decade, a new report shows.

There were 638,169 abortions reported to the CDC in 2015, the most recent year for which data tallied by the agency are available, down from 652,639 in 2014 and 842,855 in 2006. The shifts may be tied to a decline in the share of pregnancies that are unintended and to the increased use of more effective contraceptives, the CDC said.

https://www.usnews.com/news/healthiest-communities/articles/2018-11-21/abortions-down-24-percent-over-a-decade-in-us


U.S. birth rates hit their lowest point in 32 years in 2018, according to data released Wednesday by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC).

This included record lows for women in their teens and in their 20s.

The provisional report, based on over 99 percent of U.S. birth records, indicates there were 3.788 million births in the U.S. last year, the lowest total since 1986 and the fourth consecutive year the number of births has declined.

Births to teenagers fell 8 percent, to 179,607.

https://thehill.com/policy/healthcare/443763-birth-rates-for-teens-women-in-their-20s-hits-record-lows


Teen births at record low

The CDC research doesn't explain why birth rates are declining, Hamilton said.

There was some good news in the new report: Fewer babies are being born to teens. In fact, “these are record lows for teenage birth rates,” Hamilton said. “This year’s rate is 7 percent lower than in 2017.”

https://www.nbcnews.com/health/womens-health/birth-rate-u-s-falls-lowest-level-32-years-cdc-n1005696



https://www.guttmacher.org/infographic/2017/abortion-rates-race-and-ethnicity


Race/Ethnicity

Among the 29 areas that reported cross-classified race/ethnicity data for 2013, non-Hispanic white women and non-Hispanic black women accounted for the largest percentages of abortions (37.3% and 35.6%, respectively) and Hispanic women and non-Hispanic women in the other race category accounted for smaller percentages (19.0% and 8.1%, respectively) (Table 12). Non-Hispanic white women had the lowest abortion rate (7.2 abortions per 1,000 women aged 15–44 years) and ratio (121 abortions per 1,000 live births) and non-Hispanic black women had the highest abortion rate (27.0 abortions per 1,000 women aged 15–44 years) and ratio (420 abortions per 1,000 live births). Data for 2013 are also reported separately by race and by ethnicity (Tables 13 and 14).

Among the 20 areas¶¶¶ that reported by race/ethnicity for 2007 (the first year with available data), 2012, and 2013, abortion rates decreased substantially for all three major racial/ethnic groups: for non-Hispanic white women, the abortion rate decreased 26% (from 9.3 abortions per 1,000 women in 2007 to 6.9 in 2013), for non-Hispanic black women it decreased 25% (from 36.8 abortions per 1,000 women in 2007 to 27.5 in 2013), and for Hispanic women it decreased 33% (from 20.8 abortions per 1,000 women in 2007 to 14.0 in 2013). Abortion ratios also decreased from 2007 to 2013. For non-Hispanic white women, the abortion ratio decreased 23% (from 145 abortions per 1,000 live births in 2007 to 112 in 2013), for non-Hispanic black women it decreased 17% (from 514 abortions per 1,000 live births in 2007 to 425 in 2013), and for Hispanic women it decreased 13% (from 209 abortions per 1,000 live births in 2007 to 181 in 2013).

https://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/volumes/65/ss/ss6512a1.htm
« Last Edit: May 16, 2019, 03:21:56 PM by Wildman78 »

Offline aggiejazz

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Re: ALABAMA ABORTION BILL TO BRING ROE V. WADE TO AN EVENTUAL HEAD
« Reply #16 on: May 16, 2019, 06:11:43 PM »
When it involves emotions, data doesn't matter.  I have been around these people my whole life and they are very contradictory when it comes to the subject of life.  It depends on whose life it is, that is the difference about who they care about.

Are white people more religious and reverent than blacks, I don't think so.

If abortion rate is at its lowest level since the Decision on Roe v Wade, then why are all these state houses in the South and Midwest passing these anti-abortion laws and why did Alabama go as far as it did?  These conservatives feel they have the numbers in the Supreme Court.  BTW, the majority in that Alabama statehouse don't give a damn about black folks.   

Online Wildman78

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Re: ALABAMA ABORTION BILL TO BRING ROE V. WADE TO AN EVENTUAL HEAD
« Reply #17 on: May 16, 2019, 10:33:27 PM »
I've been around White people for around 50 years and I don't think the low White birth rate has anything to do with the passing of anti-abortion legislation. Emotions can cause anyone to  make an irrational argument. It is a two-edge sword. 

Are White people more religious or reverent than Black people? No. However, I would say that religious Black people and White evangelicals have different views on abortion. I would say White evangelicals are more zealous about abortion, more extreme in their opposition to abortion. For instance, Black people don't have  a group comparable to Focus on the Family. White evangelicals believe abortion is murder and therefore are willing to go to great lengths to outlaw abortion or codify their religious belief. Black religious people tend to understand that abortion is a sin. However, Black religious people tend to believe the sin is between the person that has the abortion and God, and the government need not be involved. Generally, I have seen a lot of Black faces or heard a lot Black voices in the pro-life movement.

You state:


Quote
If abortion rate is at its lowest level since the Decision on Roe v Wade, then why are all these state houses in the South and Midwest passing these anti-abortion laws and why did Alabama go as far as it did?  These conservatives feel they have the numbers in the Supreme Court

Exactly. What does believing they have the votes on the Supreme Court to overturn Roe v. Wade have to do with race or the low White birth rate?  State houses in the Southern and Midwestern states have been passing anti-abortion legislation for decades. Laws that impose burdensome regulations on doctors and clinics and laws that ban partial birth abortions are just a couple of examples.

Quote
….majority in that Alabama statehouse don't give a damn about black folks.

So they pass a law that if upheld, will cause more Black babies to be born.  :shrug: I haven't seen any evidence which shows that outlawing abortion will significantly increase the birth rate for White women or will cause White babies to be born at greater rate than Black babies.

« Last Edit: May 17, 2019, 07:23:13 AM by Wildman78 »

Offline soflorattler

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Re: ALABAMA ABORTION BILL TO BRING ROE V. WADE TO AN EVENTUAL HEAD
« Reply #18 on: May 17, 2019, 07:45:06 AM »
I’m From Alabama And Gave Birth To My Rapist’s Child Because I Couldn’t Get An Abortion


https://www.huffpost.com/entry/alabama-abortion-law-rape_n_5cdc3627e4b09d94af53f471

I will tell you what I know of the way silence grows roots inside of a person, until all that is left is a brutal, crushing vacancy where a voice ought to be.

I was 17 when I was raped by a classmate. He was someone I knew, someone I trusted, but in the end, none of that mattered. I would not find out until eight months later that I was pregnant as a result of the assault. My daughter, Zoe, would grow inside of me with a fatal congenital birth defect that took away her ability to think, or emote, or connect to the world in all the fundamental ways that make a life worth living.

I was forced to give birth to the child of this rape, always connected in some way to the man who took so much from me. I lived in Alabama, which this week welcomed a draconian new abortion law, but the state’s politicians have never borne any ethical compunctions about controlling women and subverting their agency. To them, we are collateral in a game of politics, and the suffering they inflict matters very little ― if at all ― to them. They have no interest in perspective or stories like my own, but I must speak ― or else the woman behind me might not.

It starts with a man at a water park in Destin, Florida, and I’m 9 years old. He grabs my inner tube as he passes by, reaches under and sticks his fingers high up between my thighs. His thumb strokes against me. I look over at him, shocked. I want to scream, but he smiles back at me. His eyes are everywhere I am. He says, reassuringly, “Looked like you were drifting off, just thought I’d help,” and lets me go. I float like flotsam, jetsam down the Lazy River, and the space between my legs is burning, my heart is pounding, but I say nothing because he was just trying to help.

Second semester, freshman year of high school, I am outside waiting for my mother to pick me up. A boy I’ve never met jumps out from behind the columns, runs up behind me and grabs my a** . I stumble forward, my head whipping around in time to see him sprinting toward the gym. “It was a dare!” he shouts back at me, as if this gives him reason and excuse to have me under his hands, to hook into me as if my flesh were meat hanging raw and waiting.

There is a boy whom I dance with at the military ball in my sophomore year. The following Monday at school he begins stalking me. He follows me to my classes even though I never tell him my schedule, asks people who know me where I live, corners me alone in the courtyard and tries to kiss me. He writes violent stories about me in class after I reject him. In these stories, he slits my throat for my deceit, for leading him on with smiles and kindness. “He’s done that to half of us in this class,” the other girls explain. “The teachers won’t do anything.”

These men are not my rapist. Neither are the men who begin leering at me from their car windows, starting when I am 13, who shout the things they want to do to me ― whose whistles are piercing and lecherous, and always reminding me you are on display, before driving off. No, they are not my rapist, but each of them takes something from me ― starting with my agency, my dignity, my sense of safety. They plant little seeds of self-doubt that grow unchecked; the roots spread outward, the silence flows into me, and into my mouth. Slowly, excruciatingly, I am alienated from myself.

This is not the first occasion I have written about the night of my rape, but in times such as these, we must revisit the origins of trauma. I must continue to draw the poison from the wound if I want any sort of progress or if I wish to heal at all. I refuse to let the infection spread, can no longer allow it to sit and continue to fester on my tongue.

Here we are again, back at the Before: I am 17 years old, I am a junior in high school. The darkness within my kitchen is beaming at me like an open mouth. My body is bent against granite. The corner edge of the table is a constant stinging presence against my stomach. A hand, not my own, is around my throat ― all 10 fingers dug in like claws. They are hands that I trusted, the hands of a boy from my Algebra II class. I try to reconcile the hands pushing down my shorts, wrapping around my throat, holding me still, with the hands that occasionally brushed against mine when I reached for a pencil or a piece of gum.

My pulse is churning, my own blood is a hostage in my veins. I don’t know how we got here, when two hours ago we were studying quadratic equations and watching a movie. When his fingertips crept down the inseam of my shorts, I knew that something bad was about to happen ― a gut instinct. They call it that because that’s where you feel it first, a thickness rising up from your stomach, into the back of your throat, and it burns there.

I do not know what he was thinking, if I led him into this with my body or my initial reticence when I got up and moved away. I am so accustomed at this point to men who turn and run away once I turn my head that it never occurs to me that he will follow my path into the kitchen, and even as it is happening ― visceral, undeniable ― I still can’t believe it’s happening. The throb of life is trapped inside me, and I’m trapped inside me, and my body is heavier than it has ever been. My teeth grind together ― but my spine, it folds over so easily, a burnt matchstick crumpling under a thumb.

I feel every bit of flesh and bone ― feel my shadow where it’s pressed flat against the wall. And life is startling and horrible and inescapable in this moment, and my mind is still a part of my body but I don’t want to be. His body is in mine, but I don’t want it to be, and somewhere amid it all, I notice the old oil left on the stove that my mother was too tired to throw away.

I’m shouting, right? Yes. I do it silently though. I don’t use words. I make myself small. I trap the things I mean to say inside my throat and I say, Stay there, don’t move, and he says, “Stay there, don’t move.” I keep my eyes cast to the ground. I tether myself to places I don’t belong: the white tile, the crack running through it. I think I die between one breath and the next, curl up and leave so quietly and so completely that it hardly feels like a death at all.

It is this I remember most: the moment of division when I go limp, the fight evacuates my body, and the rest of me goes with it. The hand around my throat falls away. I watch myself from the other side of the room. I am here, and she ― both me, and absolutely not me ― is there, and we are no longer the same. We say, “You’re not alone,” when this happens, but in this moment I am alone. I am locked inside a moment from which I can never depart, and I have to abandon myself there, and what is left behind is the great gaping maw of shame and silence.

It effectively dispossesses me of my voice. After, I am always afraid, always worried my attacker will come back for me. I see him watching me from across the parking lot and tell myself to never ever speak about that night out loud, because I would rather bear this shame than endure the indignity and violation all over again.

I become pregnant from this rape, but I will not know until it is much too late. I lose weight. It is not uncommon for me to go months without a cycle because I am an athlete, and have an undiagnosed hormonal disorder that I will not know about for 10 more years.

I walk and speak and smile, but a part of me is convinced that I died that night in the kitchen, and my world is no longer real. I am paralyzed the moment reality tries to assert itself. I have the constant, repeated compulsion to climb atop a building, to step off and let the ground rise up to meet me. This is my first thought when the pregnancy test comes back positive. The doctor tells me that the baby is eight months along, and I am climbing to the top of a skyscraper.

She diagnoses my unborn daughter with hydranencephaly, explaining how her cerebrum failed to divide into two separate hemispheres, and instead filled with cerebrospinal fluid. The only reason she continues to experience some degree of development is because the cerebellum and brainstem are ensuring the most rudimentary of functions to sustain her precarious life. If she is born, she will suffer and die so very, very young ― and I step off the ledge.

The doctor tells me that in spite of this, I cannot receive an abortion that will prevent this pain ― both hers and my own. Alabama does not make exceptions for these cases at this stage of pregnancy, and going out of state is beyond my family’s means ― and I fall down and down and down.

Much more click link...

Offline Ken

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Re: ALABAMA ABORTION BILL TO BRING ROE V. WADE TO AN EVENTUAL HEAD
« Reply #19 on: May 17, 2019, 09:10:36 AM »
See this is the problem with OS- he just cuts and paste with no original thought- then when the article is proved wrong with DATA- he runs like a po a-- mofo.

Offline soflorattler

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Re: ALABAMA ABORTION BILL TO BRING ROE V. WADE TO AN EVENTUAL HEAD
« Reply #20 on: May 17, 2019, 09:35:00 AM »
Today's GOP...


Offline cee dog

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Re: ALABAMA ABORTION BILL TO BRING ROE V. WADE TO AN EVENTUAL HEAD
« Reply #21 on: May 17, 2019, 10:57:21 AM »
White folks ain't hitting on shyt.
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